Faith, Security, and the Fractures Within Israeli Society
As Israel grapples with the emotional toll of war, at the heart of the growing public anger is the long-simmering issue of military conscription. Ultra-Orthodox political leaders continue to demand blanket exemptions for Haredi men, in defiance of repeated Supreme Court rulings
30/06/2025 16:30
Tags: Iranian nuclear threat · Aryeh Deri · IDF

Stanley P. Gold and Rabbi Uri Regev, May 22
Dear friends,
We are writing to you following—and, indeed, still during—difficult days in Israel. As Israel grapples with the emotional toll of war, we also witness how the unresolved struggle over religion and state continues to shape public life.
Thanks in no small part to President Trump's characteristically unconventional intervention and his support for Israel in confronting the longstanding Iranian nuclear threat, we have entered a ceasefire following what is being termed the ‘12-Day War’.
For the first time in days, Israelis across the country—children, parents, and seniors alike—can sleep soundly without the looming fear of sirens and frantic dashes to shelters, which don't even exist in many vulnerable communities. There is cautious hope that, with continued Western and regional support, this fragile ceasefire might even evolve into a more durable arrangement, resolution of the war in Gaza and the return of our 50 hostages.
The national mood today swings like a pendulum. On one side, moments of pride and inspiration: the incredible resilience and coming together of Israeli society, the spontaneous volunteerism in response to the emergency, and the creative power and military prowess of the IDF, the Air Force, and the intelligence services. On the other side: the pain, fear, and horror at the scale of the destruction, the economic toll, and the deepening harm to education, vulnerable populations, and infrastructure, which will take years to repair.
We know that it is a feeling shared not only by Israelis, but also by Jewish communities worldwide, who watch with bated breath, anxious about how the conflict here reverberates across the Diaspora. Yet, what many throughout the Jewish world might not fully appreciate is that, even amidst war, Israeli public discourse remains sharply focused on questions of religion and state.
Last week, for example, a major public firestorm erupted after MK Rabbi Aryeh Deri, leader of the Shas party, described the October 7 massacre as an event that “saved the people of Israel.” Suffice to say, the backlash was—rightly—swift and strong…!
Meanwhile, Education Minister Yoav Kisch announced the closure of dozens of ultra-Orthodox schools for flouting emergency wartime regulations. His declaration was unequivocal: “Children's lives come first. Institutions that ignore safety guidelines will face immediate enforcement, including inspections, closures, and funding cuts.” And yet, within hours—under pressure from ultra-Orthodox politicians—Kisch reversed course and said the schools would receive only warnings!
This capitulation is not an isolated incident. It reflects a pattern seen during the Covid-19 pandemic, when rabbinic directives routinely overrode national emergency measures. In recent days, huge weddings for grandchildren of Hasidic leaders were held, in blatant violation of wartime gathering restrictions. Police arrived hours late and, despite clear evidence of unlawful conduct and life-endangering behavior, no arrests were made. Contrast this with the State’s aggressive policing of anti-government protesters, and a troubling double standard emerges.
At the heart of the growing public anger is the long-simmering issue of military conscription. Ultra-Orthodox political leaders continue to demand blanket exemptions for Haredi men, in defiance of repeated Supreme Court rulings. This controversy nearly toppled the government just before the war with Iran. There are even reports that plans for Israel’s attack on Iran were accelerated partly to pressure the Haredi parties into shelving their demands for early elections.
Yet the issue remains unresolved, and the contradiction is now painfully evident: tens of thousands of Haredi men are exempted from service, even as the country faces an urgent need for 13,000 additional soldiers. Clearly, Israel can no longer afford to rely on a ‘small and smart’ army alone.
This isn’t just a debate regarding special privileges. It reflects a profound clash of worldviews. Most Israelis believe in equality, shared civic duty, and democratic accountability. Yet political leaders across the spectrum continue to align with religious parties that reject these principles, offering them far-reaching concessions in exchange for keeping the coalition afloat. The result is not religious pluralism, but democratic erosion and long-term economic damage. It also threatens Israel’s relationship with global Jewry, much of which opposes religious coercion and is routinely dismissed as religiously inferior by the same authorities shaping Israel’s Jewish identity.
Even amidst war, Israeli public discourse remains sharply focused on questions of religion and state
There is no issue with people or communities holding religious beliefs or lifestyles that the majority may reject—that is part of religious freedom and free expression. The problem arises when a minority insists on imposing its beliefs on the entire public in exchange for their votes.
Politicians have long talked about enlistment quotas, but the reality is this: the rabbinic leadership has no intention of allowing any yeshiva student to be drafted. A game is being played—a pretend ‘draft law’ that is, in effect, a ‘draft-dodging law’. Years pass, the High Court strikes it down again, and the cycle repeats. Politicians deflect blame with vague rhetoric or by shifting focus to Arab or secular non-service, but the Haredi media broadcasts the truth: their rabbis reject the very premise of military service.
We have seen this before. In 2012, Shas leader Eli Yishai blamed Israel’s failures in the Second Lebanon War on the soldiers’ lack of religious faith. In 2014, Rabbi Shalom Cohen, the rabbinic leader of Shas, told a rally at the Kotel: “Do you think Israel needs an army? You don’t fight—God fights for you.” In December 2023, after the October 7 massacre, Rabbi Dov Lando, a leader of the yeshiva world, rebuffed a senior religious officer's plea for yeshiva students to attend even one funeral or visit one wounded soldier. “God forbid! [Yeshiva] students must keep learning. The more Torah learners, the more protection [for Israel],” he said.
This theology is consistent. Disasters are viewed not as national failures or enemy aggression, but as divine punishment—from the Holocaust to Covid-19 to October 7. The role of Torah study, in this worldview, is not just spiritual support but physical protection. “Wars are not fought by armies,” wrote the Haredi newspaper Yated Ne’eman a couple of weeks ago. “They are decided in Heaven, and the true battlefield is the study hall.” It is against this background that Rabbi Deri’s statement describing the October 7 massacre as a form of “salvation” must be understood.
But, though such views may be sincerely held, when they are used to justify evading military service, or to legitimize non-participation in the workforce, or to reject teaching core subjects, they move from personal belief to undermining national interests. The longstanding political surrender to these positions is cynical political opportunism. It is a threat to Israel's economy, security, and cohesion—and it defies the will of the overwhelming majority of Jewish Israelis.
Even as the Iran war ends, the ongoing war that began on October 7 2023 continues, now well into its second year, with no clear resolution. 50 hostages remain in captivity, their fate uncertain. While Prime Minister Netanyahu has received high public approval for his handling of the Iran campaign, a majority of Israelis want the Gaza war to end. They support a hostage deal now. They do not trust Netanyahu’s motives, and they doubt that continued fighting will achieve more than a regional agreement backed by the U.S.
The message is clear: Israel must reassess the moral and political cost of its alliances with fundamentalist religious parties. A society cannot endure on borrowed time and cynical principles. The price is being paid now—in blood, in trust, and in the soul of the nation.
Wishing you a peaceful week ahead—with warm wishes,
Stanley P. Gold (Chairman) & Rabbi Uri Regev (Founder and CEO)
Hiddush – Freedom of Religion for Israel